In September 2023, Saudi Arabia and Israel appeared close to a historic normalisation agreement, with Washington working to bring the two long-standing adversaries together. However, Hamas’s October 7 attack and the subsequent war in Gaza derailed those efforts, pushing a diplomatic breakthrough out of reach.
Three years later, the regional landscape has shifted once again. As Israel remains engaged in a wider conflict that followed the Hamas attack, Saudi Arabia is reportedly exploring closer security cooperation with the Jewish state to counter a shared threat: Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi rebels.
The evolving situation has been shaped by several factors, including Houthi missile and drone attacks, US President Donald Trump’s reluctance to commit American forces to another military campaign, and questions over the effectiveness of Saudi Arabia’s defence partnerships with Pakistan and Turkey.
A notable public signal came on October 11, when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned a deadly Houthi attack on Riyadh’s King Khalid International Airport. The reported strike killed 13 people and injured hundreds. The following day, Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Netanyahu was seeking Saudi Arabia’s approval, through Washington, for Israel to join the campaign against the Houthis.
Behind the scenes, Israeli and Saudi officials have reportedly discussed intelligence cooperation through US Central Command. Israeli sources have also suggested that Netanyahu sees the emerging security relationship as an opportunity to revive efforts towards diplomatic normalisation.
For Riyadh, the growing threat to its airports and energy infrastructure has highlighted the need for additional defensive capabilities. Israel’s intelligence network and missile-defence expertise could offer valuable assistance, particularly as Saudi Arabia reassesses the support available from its existing allies.
How Saudi Arabia and Israel Are Moving Closer
Reports over recent weeks have pointed to growing contact between the two countries, despite their lack of formal diplomatic relations.
On September 15, The Jerusalem Post, citing a regional diplomat, reported that Saudi Arabia and Israel had held discussions mediated by US Central Command about Israeli intelligence assistance against the Houthis.
Three days later, Washington-based outlet Al-Monitor reported that Netanyahu was seeking to use Saudi Arabia’s military difficulties to advance bilateral ties. Citing two senior Israeli political sources, the report said Israel had indirectly conveyed its willingness to provide intelligence and potentially participate in military consultations.
Such reports indicate a possible opening for security cooperation, although they do not establish that Riyadh has agreed to Israeli military involvement.
Netanyahu’s October 11 condemnation of the attack on Riyadh airport was another significant gesture. Saudi Arabia and Israel have traditionally avoided public displays of solidarity, even though both have concerns about Iran and its regional allies.
Israeli analyst and former parliamentarian Ksenia Svetlova has described Saudi-Israeli security cooperation as an “open secret” in the Middle East. Speaking on The Times of Israel’s Daily Briefing podcast on October 12, she indicated that contacts between the two sides had existed for years.
However, she also cautioned that security cooperation should not automatically be interpreted as a step towards formal diplomatic recognition.
How the Houthis Have Changed Riyadh’s Calculations
The Houthis have emerged as a serious security challenge for Saudi Arabia. The Iran-backed movement has repeatedly launched missiles and drones towards Saudi territory, targeting airports and threatening critical infrastructure, including energy facilities.
The group’s activities in Yemen also raise concerns about the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a strategically important maritime passage connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden.
Saudi Arabia has conducted airstrikes and supported Yemeni government forces in its efforts to counter the Houthis. Yet the group’s continued ability to launch attacks has raised questions about the kingdom’s capacity to protect its infrastructure despite substantial military spending.
Israeli commentator Yoni Ben Menachem, speaking on Channel 14, claimed that Israel had already begun sharing intelligence about the Houthis with Saudi Arabia. He also suggested that direct Israeli military involvement, including deploying pilots, would be a different matter.
If confirmed, such intelligence exchanges would represent a significant development in the relationship between two countries that have not established formal diplomatic ties.
For Israel, helping Saudi Arabia counter the Houthis could serve several strategic objectives. The group has threatened Israeli interests in the Red Sea and launched attacks against Israel. Cooperation could therefore weaken a common adversary while creating an opportunity to improve relations with one of the Arab world’s most influential states.
It could also form part of Israel’s broader efforts to counter Iranian influence across the region.
How Trump’s Approach Has Created an Opening for Israel
Saudi Arabia has traditionally relied heavily on Washington for security support. However, the Trump administration’s reluctance to launch direct military operations against the Houthis has encouraged Riyadh to consider additional partners.
According to Reuters, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman sought Trump’s assistance against the Houthis in September. Washington reportedly declined to undertake direct military action at that stage but offered intelligence-sharing and targeting assistance.
The distinction matters. Although the United States has reaffirmed its security commitments to Saudi Arabia, it has not necessarily agreed to carry out the military campaign Riyadh might prefer.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has reiterated Saudi Arabia’s right to defend itself and Washington’s commitment to its security. However, that assurance has not translated into an announced US air campaign against the Houthis in response to Riyadh’s concerns.
The resulting uncertainty has encouraged Saudi Arabia to look beyond its traditional security arrangements. Israel, with its intelligence capabilities and experience countering Iran-backed armed groups, has emerged as a potential source of assistance.
Washington could also play a mediating role, enabling security contacts between Riyadh and Jerusalem without requiring an immediate diplomatic breakthrough.
Has the Pakistan-Turkey Mecca Defence Pact Failed?
Saudi Arabia’s defence arrangement with Pakistan and Turkey, commonly referred to as the Mecca Pact, was intended to strengthen regional security cooperation and reduce Riyadh’s dependence on Washington.
The arrangement reportedly treats an attack on one partner as an attack on all. However, the response to the Houthi threat has raised questions about the extent of military support the partners are prepared to provide.
Turkey has ruled out deploying troops or joining offensive operations, although reports indicate it has provided equipment and technical assistance.
Pakistan has also offered military support, and reports have described Pakistani fighter aircraft conducting strikes against Houthi positions in Yemen. Nevertheless, the assistance has not eliminated Saudi Arabia’s concerns about continued attacks.
Colonel Eran Lerman (Retired), deputy director of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, argued that the crisis had exposed the limitations of Riyadh’s defence partnerships with Pakistan and Turkey.
In an analysis, Lerman described the assistance from the two countries as limited and largely symbolic in relation to the scale of the threat facing Saudi Arabia.
He also suggested that Riyadh may recognise the value of Israeli assistance in sensitive security areas, drawing a comparison with Israel’s reported support for the United Arab Emirates during the campaign against Iran.
The developments do not necessarily mean the Mecca Pact has collapsed. Rather, they highlight the difference between a broad mutual-defence commitment and the specific military capabilities or operational support partners are willing and able to provide during a crisis.
Can Security Cooperation Lead to Normalisation?
Despite the reported contacts, a formal Saudi-Israeli agreement remains uncertain. Riyadh continues to balance its security interests against domestic, regional and diplomatic considerations.
Saudi Arabia has denied participating in a reported September 27 meeting involving Netanyahu and the UAE leadership. Other reports have suggested that the kingdom subsequently refused permission for Israeli military aircraft to land and evacuate passengers from a FlyDubai flight that had made an emergency landing in Saudi territory.
Such episodes underline Riyadh’s reluctance to be seen publicly embracing Israel, even if discreet security contacts continue.
The Palestinian question remains the most significant obstacle to normalisation. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly stated that diplomatic relations with Israel would require a credible path towards Palestinian statehood. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has resisted key demands associated with establishing a Palestinian state.
Svetlova has warned that tactical security cooperation should not be mistaken for an acceleration towards normalisation. Lerman has similarly cautioned against treating a reported meeting between Israeli and Saudi officials as a turning point, arguing that it is too early to draw such a conclusion.
For Riyadh, cooperation with Israel could provide practical benefits without requiring immediate diplomatic recognition. Intelligence-sharing, missile-defence assistance and consultations on regional threats could all be pursued while Saudi Arabia maintains its existing public position on Palestinian statehood.
Three years after the October 7 attack disrupted the prospects of a Saudi-Israeli normalisation agreement, the Houthi threat has created a new incentive for both sides to explore common ground. Washington’s reluctance to intervene directly and the limitations of Saudi Arabia’s other defence partnerships have strengthened the case for looking at additional security options.
Whether these contacts develop into a lasting strategic relationship remains to be seen. For now, Saudi Arabia appears to be weighing the potential benefits of Israeli expertise against the diplomatic and political costs of closer ties. Security cooperation may be possible well before formal recognition becomes politically acceptable.